The EU’s Energy and Climate Partnerships: From agreements to action

Over the last four years, energy and climate partnerships have become a central feature of the European Union’s diplomacy. From securing critical raw materials (CRM) to diversifying energy supplies, the EU is forging ties with countries worldwide to safeguard its economy, bolster its geopolitical position and accelerate the green transition. 

The EU’s ever-expanding web of agreements takes many forms, from CRM partnerships with Canada and Namibia to wide-ranging Green Alliances with Japan and Norway. Since 2021, more than 30 new partnerships have been concluded, alongside numerous Global Gateway projects related to energy and climate, spanning more than 80 countries. Some countries have entered into multiple energy and climate arrangements with the EU; Argentina, for example, has agreements for CRM, hydrogen and the Global Gateway. 

These partnerships are vital to Europe’s own decarbonization goals and industrial competitiveness, yet as the map shows, the approach is fragmented. Responsibilities within the European Commission are split across various Directorates-General (DG): DG GROW (Internal Market) leads CRM deals, DG ENER (Energy) handles energy and hydrogen agreements, DG CLIMA (Climate Action) manages Green Alliances and Just Energy Transition Partnerships, while DG INTPA (International Partnerships) overseas Global Gateway projects. 

Further complicating matters, individual member states pursue their own partnerships (not shown on this map), risking duplication and mixed signals. Germany, for instance, has established climate, energy and hydrogen partnerships with over 30 countries, whereas Italy, through its Mattei Plan, focuses on building strategic partnerships in Africa centred on energy and economic cooperation.

This complexity can be frustrating for partners. As one diplomat famously put it, ‘The Chinese make us an offer we can’t refuse; the Europeans make us an offer we can’t understand.’ Namibia stands as a prime example, having signed four separate agreements to produce and export green hydrogen – one with the European Commission and three with individual member states.

The EU also struggles to balance competing goals. It aims to reduce dependence on China, maintain open markets, ensure energy security, promote global decarbonization, guarantee fair outcomes for developing nations, and protect its own industries – all at the same time. These overlapping priorities are further complicated by environmental regulations like the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) and deforestation-free supply chain rules. Although essential to Europe’s climate ambitions, such measures can strain energy and climate partnerships with third countries.

With Trump back in the White House and the Clean Industrial Deal on the horizon, the EU must move beyond memorandums of understanding and establishing partnerships, and start to deliver concrete results. This requires not only stronger coordination between the European Commission and member states but also a more compelling, unified proposition for partners – perhaps under the banner of ‘green industrialization’. 

The ‘Team Europe’ approach, which enhances coordination between the EU and member states, and pools their resources, can help translate partnerships into tangible outcomes, particularly by mobilizing the private sector. It has been tried and tested through the Global Gateway framework, the EU’s global infrastructure and connectivity strategy.

Initiatives like the Global Energy Transitions Forum, launched at the World Economic Forum, and the proposed Clean Trade and Investment Partnerships can help demonstrate to countries such as India, Indonesia and Kenya that working together with Europe on decarbonization is a smart economic choice. As von der Leyen said in Davos, ‘Europe is open for business.’ The next step is to show it can deliver on business projects.